于建嵘北大演讲：中国信访制度批判

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● 于建嵘

（本文为于建嵘应燕南讲坛邀请于2004年12月2日在北京大学所作演讲全文，经本人审阅）

　　最近，我主持的课题组发表了一份题为《信访的制度性缺失及其政治后果》的调查报告，受到朝野关注并引发了一场有关信访制度何去何从的争论。国内最具影响的媒体《南方周末》对此评论说：“于建嵘在这场争论中是比较孤独的一个。他的‘弱化信访权利救济功能’观点遭到了强有力的质疑。有人认为是不考虑中国国情的理想主义，更有人认为是迂腐。”虽然我对许多媒体的相关报道并不完全认同，却不得不承认上述有关我目前处境“孤独”的描述是比较客观的。的确，在我每天接到的数十个电话或邮件中，虽有人对我表示关心和慰问或求助，但鲜有明确表示同意我观点的，更多的是不满或指责。这样的指责主要来自三个方面，其一是国家信访系统的官员，特别是那些要求强化信访的官员，就有地方信访官员从南方飞到北京来，其目的就是要当面指责我：“如果不给我们信访部门实权，那老百姓的冤屈如何才能解决呢？！”。其二是那些称之为公共知识分子的学者如康晓光等人，他们的理由是中国是一个以行政主导的国家，加强信访机构的权力来解决社会问题是“亲民”和“仁政”的重要表现；其三是一些信访群众和具有社会底层关怀的学者。有一位打算到北京来上访江西农民给我写信说，如果没有信访了，中央如何才能帮我们解决问题呢？就连我十分敬仰的秦晖教授也在电话里质问我，“如果取消了信访制度，人民还有说话的地方吗？”

　　面对如此多的批评和质疑，我感到有必要作一些回应了。正因为如此，我特别感谢北京大学的燕南讲坛为我提供了这样一个陈述的机会。我的基本观点仍然是，现行信访制度已成为了祸国殃民的遮羞布，必须进行彻底的改革。我今天要讲两个问题，其一，调查结论；其二，改革设想。

一、调查结论

　　我对信访制度最初的关注是在1999年。当时，我在调查湖南农民维权抗争时就感到信访制度存在重大的缺陷。因此，在近几年发表的论文中，我提到过要改革信访制度。但由于那些调查并不是针对信访制度进行的专项研究，分析样本也是区域性的，缺乏有说服力的证据。为此，2004年5月至10月，在国家软科学的支持下，我组织了一个课题组对我国的信访制度状况及改革方向进行了专项调查研究。此项调查包括对进京走访者（主要是农民）进行问卷和深度访谈、分析了来自全国各地的2万多封控告信，与部分信访官员进行座谈及进住“上访村”体验生活等形式进行。通过调查，我认为，信访制度作为一项具有中国特色的政治参与和权利救济制度，虽然在计划经济时代起到过一定的作用，但由于这一制度存在诸多缺陷，已不适应目前的市场经济环境，在客观上成为了国家政治认同性流失的重要渠道，如果不进行彻底的改革，将会产生十分严重的政治后果。

这些缺陷主要有三个方面：

　　（一），信访体制不顺，机构庞杂，缺乏整体系统性，导致各种问题和矛盾焦点向中央聚集，在客观上造成了中央政治权威的流失。

　　现行的信访机构庞杂繁多，归口不一。从中央到地方，各级党委、人大、政府、法院和检察院及相关职能部门都设有信访机构。但由于信访机构并属于国家机关序列，这些机构并没有严格意义上的隶属关系。中央信访机构对地方信访机构及中央各部门信访机构之间的管制协调能力十分有限，各地信访机构的职能和权力及运作方式都有较大的差异，而导致信息不共享，缺乏强制约。这样势必造成两种情况。

　　其一，由于各级信访机构在没有任何监督下对信访案件层层转办，导致信访不断升级，各种问题和矛盾焦点向中央聚集。据国家信访局统计，2003年国家信访局受理群众信访量上升14%，省级只上升0．1%，地级上升0．3%，而县级却下降了2．4%；中央和国家机关受理群众信访量上升46%，省、地、县直属部门增幅较少，有的还是负增长。国家信访局受理群众来信同比上升10．7%，接待群众上访的批次、人次同比分别上升20．6%、29．9%。2004年第一季度，国家信访局受理群众来信同比上升20．2%，接待群众上访批次、人次同比分别上升99．4%和94．9%。中央有关部门受理信访量直线上升，说明了信访者对中央能解决他们反映的问题还抱有一定的希望。而省、地、县一级已失去了或正在失去信访者的认同。这一点，从我们对进京上访的农民问卷调查可以获得证实。

　　表一说明，目前党中央国务院在进京走访的农民心目中还有较高的地位，有49.5%的人认为党中央国务院还有很高或较高的威信。而中央以下的各级政府的威信已直线下降，其中，认为省级、市级、县级、乡级党政威信很高和较高的分别是较低或很低的分别为24．6%，4．5%，1．7%， 0．7%。

　　其二，由于信访机构林立，而缺少统领机关，各机构推来推去，信访人投诉无门，来京后不停地在各信访机构之间来回跑动。据对632位进京上访农民的调查，他们走访的部门平均在6个以上，最多的达到18个。其中主要有，国家信访局、人大常委会、最高法院、中纪委、公安部、最高检察院、国土资源部、农业部、民政部等等。信访者在北京四处投诉后，可问题并不能真正得到解决，导致对中央的政治权威的认同发生非常明显的变化。

　　表二通过对56位第一次进京上访的农民在不同时期的对比性调查发现，刚进京上访时，农民对中央的认同是非常高的，认为“中央真心实意欢迎农民上访”的高达94．6%，而七天后则下降到39．3%。而认为“中央怕农民上访”的则从7．1%上升到58．9%；认为“中央会打击报复上访的人”从1．8%上升到60．7%。另据对632位进京上访农民调查，有7４．２%的认为，包括党中央国务院在内对他们所反映的问题“都推来推去”没有决心解决。一份在北京上访村流传甚广的署名为“亿万冤民者”的传单就称“想起国务院，好似阎王殿，外边是疯犬，里边是贪官”。从早几年听到的“中央是恩人”到直接质疑党中央和国务院的这一变化，是非常值得警惕的。这在很大程度上说明了，进京上访成为了中央政治权威流失的重要渠道。

　　（二）、信访功能错位，责重权轻，人治色彩浓厚，消解了国家司法机关的权威，从体制上动摇了现代国家治理的基础。

　　现行信访制度作为一种正式制度所具有的职能主要有两个方面，其一是政治参与，也就是公民通过给国家有关机关写信或走访反映民情社意，对国家机关和工作人员的工作提出批评或建议，即所谓的“民意上达”。其二是权利救济，即信访作为一种正常司法救济程序的补充程序，通过行政方式来解决纠纷和实现公民的权利救济。但在实践中，不仅存在着各种诉求往往交错在一起，出现“信访问题综合症”，而且公民往往把信访看成了优于其它行政救济甚至国家司法救济的一种特殊权利。

　　第一，信访问题涉及到各个方面，出现了信访问题综合症，使信访机构承受了太大的社会责任。特别是对那些进京上访农民来说，他们经常是作为当地农民的代表而出现在中央的信访机构的，他们反映的问题多而复杂。表三对632位进京上访的农民的调查说明，他们所反映的问题已远远超出了个人的冤案之类的请求，而且关系到农村工作的各个方面。信访者要求问题的复杂综合性，必然增加问题解决的难度。由于信访部门并不具有解决这些问题的实际权力，可信访者却在很大程度上把信访部门当成了解决问题的责任主体，这样就势必把信访部门当成为了信访群众的直接对立面。

　　第二，从理论上来讲，信访只是包括行政诉讼、行政复议等行政救济手段之一，而国家的司法救济才是公民权利救济最为主要的形式。可在实践中，民众更多地相信信访这一行政救济手段并把其作为最后的希望所在。造成这种状况的原因是多方面的。首先，各地司法腐败导致公民不能得到正常的司法救济是其主要原因。在接受问卷调查的632位进京上访的农民中，有401位在上访之前就上访的问题到法院起诉过，占总数的63．4%，其中法院不予立案的有172位，占42．9％；认为法院不依法办事而判决其败诉的220位，占54．9％；认为法院判决胜诉了而没有执行的9位，占2．2％。其次，也与依靠“清官”为民作主的社会传统有相当大的联系。表四表明，有90．5%的是为了“把问题反映到中央来，让中央知道情况”；88．5%是为了“给地方政府施加压力，以求问题的解决”；69．2%是为了“引起中央机关的重视，问题可以直接解决”，81．2%“也知道中央不会直接解决，但可以得到批文”。这表明，报警、求助和施压是农民进京上访的主要目的。

　　在一定的程度上，信访制度因具有中国传统社会长期存在的“人治”思想这一基础，所以它作为一种民情上达、申冤维权的特殊通道，对社会起着安全阀，对老百姓起着宽慰剂的作用。但是，必须看到的是，这种试图用行政救济替代司法救济的一个严重后果就是在客观上会消解国家司法机关的权威这一现代社会治理的基础。

　　（三）、信访程序缺失，立案不规范，终结机制不完善，政治迫害和政治激进主义相伴而生，不断诱发较严重的冲突事件。

　　现行信访制度在程序上存在重大缺失，立案和答复均具有十分的随便意性。虽然在第一次全国信访工作会议上确定了“分级负责、归口办理”的基本原则，即根据来信来访提出问题的性质，按照各级各部门的职责、业务范围进行处理。可是对于如何确定各级各部门的职责却没有一个严格的标准，各部门均可以以各种理由相互推诿。而处理问题又要看领导脸色行事，靠上级批示。为了强化各级领导的责任，各地还建立了“各级信访工作领导责任制和责任追究制”，这种领导体制要求，各级党委、政府“一把手”负总责，分管领导负主要责任，直管领导负直接责任，对因工作不到位，责任不落实，领导不负责，发生较大规模的连续到省委、省政府集体上访或到北京上访，对社会稳定和正常工作秩序造成严重影响的，追究分管领导的责任，并视情节轻重进行处理。客观地说，这种信访领导体制对各级党政重视信访问题起到一定的作用也解决一些问题。但由于各级政府为了抑制住上访的增加和升级在收买和欺骗等方法不能发生效果时，就会采取各种手段对信访群众进行打击甚至政治迫害。 自2003年10月以来在北京“上访村”广为流传的一份署名为“全体上访人”的《上访人员上议书》就写道：“地方政府借用信访条例，滥用职权，欺压上访人员，用各种手段收容、遣送、关押、毒打，有的被送进精神病院，上访人员问题得不到解决，人身受到伤害，精神受到摧残，给国家和人民带来不可弥补的损失”。从课题组的调查情况来看，上述所列的情况在一定程度上是存在的，少数地方政府使用暴力等手段拦截上访人（上访人员称之为“劫访”）进入上级党政机关已是公开的事情，有些地方党政对上访人进行打击和政治迫害可谓是触目惊心，令人发指。表五说明，有55．4%的农民认为因上访被抄家、被没收财物、东西被抢走，有50．4%的农民认为其因上访而被关押或拘留，有53．6%的农民认为因上访被干部指使黑社会的人打击报复。

　　少数地方党政对信访者进行打击和政治迫害产生了十分严重的政治后果。其中之一，就是使信访成为了有效的社会动员方式和维权抗争的手段，导致集体行动增加。有近一半的农民进京上访的主要目的就是因为“政府打击、拘捕领头上访的农民”（见表三）。而为了减少因上访所遭受打击或政治迫害的风险并引起高层的重视，在法不责众的意识影响下，许多农民就会动员更多的人参与上访。2003年国家信访局接待群众集体访批次和人次，分别比上年上升41%和44．8%。其中，50人以上的集体访批次和人次，分别比上年上升33．3%和39%；单批集体访人数最多的达到800多人。同时，更为激烈的抗争活动也时有发生，如进京上访人员在一份《到天安门广场集会、游行、示威的申请书》中称：“监于以辽宁接（截、劫）访团为代表的地方驻京工作人员，长期以来在国家各接访口，主要在国家信访局群众来访接待室门前，层层设卡，围堵拦截上访群众，多次、经常推搡、殴打上访群众，打伤、打残、打死、非法逮捕、关押、拘禁上访群众”，“提请批准在中华人民共和国首都北京天安门广场举行集会、游行、示威”。2003年12月12日，来自29个省份的600多名上访人在天安门集会，就是这样的例子。

　　后果之二就是政治激进主义在信访者中产生并获得迅速繁殖的社会土壤。一位因经济合同纠纷而上访遭受打击的信访者，就以《中国共产党的极端政治腐败》为题印制了大量的传单，其中称，“中国共产党当前的极端的政治腐败，没有资格继续成为中国人民的领导核心！没有资格独霸国家政权！”表六就有53．6%的表示要“做点让干部们害怕的事”，87．3%的表示“跟贪官污吏拼个鱼死网破”。

二、改革设想

　　上述的调查和分析表明，目前我国的信访制度存在着重大的制度性缺陷并产生了十分严重的政治后果，因此必须进行彻底而系统的改革。由于对现行信访制度存在的问题及根源有着不同的认识，因此对信访制度何去何从也有不同的看法。

　　目前主流性观点认为，“信访的产生有着深层体制上的原因，在目前，相关改革还未到位，取消信访制度是无法做到的。而通过对信访立法改革信访制度则是目前一个较好的化解办法” ，而其基本思路要重新构建信访体系框架，整合信访信息资源，探索“大信访”格局，并通过立法统一规范信访工作，从而建立高效的信访监督监察机制，使信访机关这个曾经的“传声筒”变成了一个“实权单位”。具体来说，希望通过立法，明确有关部门在交办和督办过程中的法律责任，实行行政问责制，直接授予信访机构对办理机构人员处分的建议权，通过明确法律责任，防止置之不理。目前各地所进行的信访改革就是，一方面试图加强信访机构的权力；另一方面则是制定许多禁止性条款来规范民众的信访行为。

　　我认为，中国现行的信访制度的理念基础是驭民乃至人治,设立信访制度的初衷是建立一条民意“上达”的渠道，而不是民意“表达”的渠道。但这种制度已成为了中国社会的政治现实，我们只有面对而不能回避。因此，要从国家政权建设和社会稳定的高度来认识对信访制度进行改革的重要性，并从政治体制现代化的视野来重新确定信功能目标和信访体制。具体来说，首先要重新确定信访的功能目标，即在强化和程序化信访制度作为公民政治参与渠道的同时，要把公民权利救济方面功能从信访制度分离出去，以确定司法救济的权威性。其次要改革目前的信访体制，可以考虑撤销各部门的信访机构，把信访全部集中到各级人民代表大会，通过人民代表来监督一府两院的工作，以加强系统性和协调性。再次，也是最为重要的是，要切实保障信访人的合法权益，对少数地方党政迫害信访者的案件要坚决查处。

　　目前可从行政、法律、政治三个层面考虑如何对信访制度进行稳妥而有步骤的改革。

　　（一），短期的行政治标之策是给各级党政部门减压和给信访公民松绑，以减小信访的规模和冲击性，维护社会稳定。

　　主要措施是：（1）中央减少对地方党政领导的压力，不按信访量给各地排名，取消信访责任追究制，不要求地方政府来京接访；（2）中央信访部门不再给省市开信访移办单；（3）不对信访公民的信访级别作特别的限制。（4）由信访地公安机关依法处理因信访而发生的治安案件。

　　这样做的主要理由是：（1）减弱信访的权利救济功能，降低群众对信访的预期，会迅速使一些信访案件平息，减少群众进京走访；（2）在中央的高压下，地方政府为了息访，对于信访公民不是收买或欺骗，就是打击迫害，从而诱发更多的信访案件。给地方政府减压，才能给中央减压；维护地方的政治权威,才能加强和巩固中央的政治权威。

　　（二），中期的法律治标之策是强化各级司法机关接受公民告诉、申诉及处理案件的责任和能力，由司法机关承办目前积压在信访部门的案件。

　　主要措施有：（1）由上级法院和检察院下派一级设立告诉申诉案件受理机构；（2）扩大诉讼受理范围，对关系到民众生活的案件可以考虑缓收、减收或免收诉讼费；(3)加强新闻媒体和社会力量对司法机关的监督，克服司法腐败；（4）司法机关对受理的告诉和申诉案件要在限期内给予答复；（5）由司法部门依法查处信访人迫害案件；（6）组织社会中介机构对群众告诉申诉进行法律援助；（7）增加司法机构的资源投入，并在制度上确立法院和检察院的重要人员和经费均由上一级法院和检察院管理和保障。通过树立国家司法机构的权威，可以把社会矛盾的解决引导到正规的司法渠道，逐步减少信访以及伴随信访的非制度化公民政治行动。

　　（三），长期的政治治本之策是撤销各级政府职能部门的信访机构，把信访集中到各级人民代表大会，通过人民代表来监督一府两院的工作,并系统地建立民众的利益表达组织。

　　主要措施是：（1）组织各级人民代表对本选区的重要信访案件进行调查和督办；（2）公布各级人民代表的联系方式；（3）建立全国信访网，并把一些重大问题的信访资料上网公示让民众评议。(4)允许社会各阶层建立利益表达组织，以法律允许的方式让他们通过集会示威等方式表达利益。这样做的好处是:（1）使各层级各选区的人大代表有了一项新的具体职责，他们有法律赋予的言论免责权和调查权，也有义务对信访反映的问题进行调查，并依据调查向成为信访对象的一府两院提出质询，直至向严重渎职、失职、甚至涉嫌违法犯罪的领导干部提出罢免动议。这样，不仅使信访工作获得一个权力主体，同时也使信访工作具备了应有的问责性，即向人民负责的特质；（2）将目前散存在各职能部门的信访资源合并到人代会将为人民代表大会的制度建设提供大量物质资源、人力资源和政治资源，将为人民代表逐步专职化和与此相应的人代会逐步实质化创造资源和职责两方面的条件；（3）把信访集中到人大后，可以建立一套统一的科学的信访登记体系和检索体系，不仅可以准确统计信访量，而且可以节约大量的社会资源，克服目前信访公民盲目投诉、反复投诉、多方投诉造成的巨大资源浪费和政治信任流失。（4）最关键的是中国政治改革的方向要容许各种社会利益表达组织的存在，只有让社会各阶层都有自己的利益表达组织，才能产生一个利益相对均衡、社会相对和谐的现代社会。


来源：燕南网( 燕南, http://www.yannan.cn )

全球20个污染最严重城市 中国大陆占到16个

据中科院大连化物所大气检测报告，中国空气污染问题近年日趋严重，目前世界上二十个污染最严重的城市当中，大陆占其中十六个，在空气污染下，中国儿童的健康受到严重的损害。每年2.3万儿童因患呼吸病死而死亡。
专家指称：北京就空气污染上正面临三「C」问题（汽车（Car）、煤（Coal）和建筑工地（Constructionsite），北京上空厚厚的?脏空气和三「C」密不可分。

北京大学医学部授潘小川指称，随二氧化氮浓度增加，当地罹患急性呼吸道感染的儿童人数正在不断上升，甚至出现致命的肺炎症状。 (博讯 boxun.com)

北京儿童医院副院长杨永弘明言，肺炎已是导致儿童死亡的头号疾病。

报道引述联合国在二○○二年报告中指出，因为空气污染的缘故，中国每年有两百万人因呼吸道疾病而死亡，而感染支气管炎的人数则高达一千五百万人。

据了解，中国空气污染严重，主因不但是因为八成的中国家庭和工厂依靠煤炭取暖供电以及排放大量尘污染，而且从上世纪九十年代起，中国汽车数量急剧增加，单是北京就已有两百万辆汽车，其中大部分汽车又使用从廉价石油中提炼的汽油，加剧了废气排放污染。

一亩园、二龙路、三里屯 北京地名的数字掌故

当您查看北京市城区地图或乘坐公交车时，或许会发现一种有趣的现象，就是许多地名和站名由数字打头，如一亩园、二龙路、三里屯、四道口、五棵松、六铺炕等等，一、二、三、四、五、六、七、八、九、十、百、千、万，无所不包，大约有200来个。这些地名由来已久，其中以元、明、清时期出现的居多。
　　以“一”打头的有海淀的一亩园、一棵松，朝阳的一间楼、一顷庄等。

　　以“二”打头的有东城的二里庄，西城的二龙路，海淀的二里沟、二龙闸、二里庄，朝阳的二道沟、二闸村、二堡子，丰台的二甲地、二老庄、二合庄等。

　　以“三”打头的有东城的三眼井胡同、三源胡同，西城的三塔村、三不老胡同、三里河、三座桥、三道栅栏，崇文的三元街、三转桥胡同、三川柳胡同，宣武的三福巷、三合里、三庙街、三井胡同、三富胡同，海淀的三义庙、三才堂、三星庄、三虎桥，朝阳的三里屯、三岔河、三间房、三丰胡同、三台山，丰台的三顺庄、三路居、三营门、三顷地等。

　　以“四”打头的有西城的四道湾、四井胡同、四环胡同、四根柏胡同，崇文的四块玉，宣武的四川营胡同、四平巷、四平园胡同、四胜胡同，海淀的四王府、四槐居、四拨子、四道口、四统碑，朝阳的四公村、四路居，丰台的四合庄、四顷村、四道口等。

　　以“五”打头的有东城的五道营胡同、五老胡同、五四大街，西城的五福里、五根檀胡同、五路通街，宣武的五道街，海淀的五棵松、五道口、五路居、五塔寺，五孔桥，朝阳的五路居、五斗村、五里沟，石景山的五里坨、五里店，丰台的五爱屯、五里店、五间楼等。

　　以“六”打头的有西城的六铺炕、六部口、六合胡同，海淀的六郎庄、六道口、六里屯，朝阳的六王村、六座屯、六里屯、六道口，丰台的六里桥、六营门、六圈等。

　　以“七”打头的有西城的七贤巷，宣武的七井胡同，海淀的七王坟，朝阳的七圣庙、七棵树，丰台的七里庄等。

　　以“八”打头的有东城的八宝楼胡同、八宝坑，西城的八步口、八宝胡同、八道湾、八个门胡同，崇文的八角胡同，宣武的八宝甸胡同，海淀的八宝庄、八家村、八里庄，朝阳的八棵杨、八里庄、八里桥、八王坟，丰台的八里河、八大排，石景山的八宝山、八大处、八角村等。

　　以“九”打头的有东城的九道湾，宣武的九湾胡同，海淀的九亩地，朝阳的九龙山、九江口、九孔闸等。

　　以“十”打头的有东城的十字坡，海淀的十方院、十王坟、十间房，朝阳的十里堡、十八里店、十里河、十里居、十字口村等。

　　以“百”打头的有西城的百万庄、百花深处、百代胡同、百子胡同、百户胡同，崇文的百果园，

　　宣武的百顺胡同、百合园胡同，朝阳的百子湾等。

　　以“千”打头的有东城的千福巷，西城的千竿胡同、千章胡同等。

　　以“万”打头的有西城的万年胡同、万明巷，宣武的万明路、万寿里、万福巷，海淀的万寿路、万寿寺、万泉庄、万泉河、万安里，朝阳的万家村、万红里、万子营，丰台的万泉寺等。

　　这些以数字打头的地名各有来历，不但历史悠久，而且涵盖宽泛，或有掌故，或有传说，或有趣闻，既有趣味性，又各具特色。综合起来看，这些地名的成因主要有六个特点。

　　1、由地标物而得地名，最初一些地名的产生多以林木、河湖等可见的地上标志命名，如“五棵松”因曾有五棵古松，人们常在此歇脚，地名由松而得。“九孔闸”因曾有一座九个孔的水闸，形成村落后，村名由闸而得。“四槐居”也是因曾有四棵古槐树，有人在此定居后便以四棵槐树而得村名。

　　2、由某一景观的面积大小或长短而得地名，“一亩园”是清代举行耕礼的地方，每年清明时节皇帝都象征性地在此进行耕种，以祈求五谷丰登，“一亩园”取“一亩三分地”之意，地名由田地的亩数而得。“二里沟”因曾有一条二里长的土沟，地名由沟而得。“四顷村”也是因曾有四顷耕地，后来有人在此居住，形成村落，村名由耕地的亩数而得。

　　3、由地形、地貌的特点而得地名，“八道湾胡同”因曲折多达八个弯，故此得名。“二龙路”因曾是玉河分支出的两条弯弯曲曲的河汊，形似两条巨龙，故此得名。“万泉庄”因地势低洼，泉水随地涌现，数不胜数，故此得名。

　　4、由古建筑而得地名，如“三虎桥”因有一座石桥，桥头有三只活灵活现的石虎，地名由桥而得。“四统碑”因曾有清初四块石碑，从东往西为姚公之碑、葛公之碑、席公之碑和乌里布公之碑，地名由碑而得。“万寿路”因北面不远处有一座明代建的永安万寿塔，简称万寿塔，此地由塔而得。

　　5、由甲乙两地距离而得地名，多是从某一城门到某地的距离，如“八里庄”因从阜成门往西行八里的地方，有个小村庄，故称的名。“十八里店”也是因距正阳门约十八华里而得名。“六里屯”因东至小牛房六里，西至唐家岭六里，因此而得名。这种以两地距离而得地名的在北京有许多，重名的也多，为了有所区别，往往在重复的地名前加上一个方位词，如称朝阳的八里庄为“东八里庄”，海淀的八里庄为“西八里庄”。


　　6、由纪念某一历史事件或某位名人而得地名，如“五四大街”因纪念1919年发生在此地的“五?四爱国运动”而命名。“六郎庄”最早叫牛栏庄，相传北宋时杨六郎与辽兵交战受伤，曾在此村养伤，人们仰慕他的英名，所以把村子叫成了“六郎庄”。“三不老胡同”明代称“三保老爹胡同”，因著名的航海家郑和（三保太监）的府第在此，为纪念他而得地名，“三不老”实为“三保老”的讹称。

　　随着北京城区建设和改造迅速的加快，一些以数字打头的老地名已经是“名存实亡”，或被拆迁，或与其他地名合并，但其作为北京地域文化的一部分，有必要进行保护和研究，从而使人们更广泛地了解北京，认识北京，热爱北京。

China forecasts a slowing of inflation

Helen Yuan Bloomberg News Monday, October 11, 2004

SHANGHAI Growth in Chinese consumer prices is showing signs of slowing and will ease further in the fourth quarter because of stabilizing grain prices and a glut in most domestic products, a government department said.
.The government's measures to keep price increases from accelerating are working, the National Development and Reform Commission said Saturday on its Web site. Food prices in China's major cities were stable during the weeklong national holiday, which ended last weekend.
.The average grain price, already at its highest level since 1995, will be subdued by lower international prices, the commission said. Food costs such as meat, poultry and milk will stabilize following a stable domestic grain market, it said.
.China's inflation rate was at a seven-year high of 5.3 percent in August on rising food costs. Producer prices rose 6.8 percent from a year earlier, their largest increase in eight years, the Beijing-based statistics bureau said in September.
.The government has clamped down on lending to certain industries to damp an investment boom that it blames for power shortages, clogged transport networks and accelerating inflation. U.S. officials have said that China should raise interest rates and relax the yuan's peg to the U.S. dollar to help cool the economy.
.Excessive investment has spurred increases in energy, transport and housing costs. Yet 446 of 600 main products in China remained in oversupply, the commission said in the statement.
.Food prices, which account for about a third of China's consumer price index, jumped 14 percent in August, the statistics bureau said. Grain prices surged 32 percent, meat prices gained 24 percent and the cost of eggs climbed 30 percent, it said.
.Consumer goods prices rose 6.3 percent, service costs increased 2 percent and housing prices climbed 6 percent.
.Textile curbs sought in U.S.
.U.S. textile makers have asked the Bush administration to limit increases in the import of cotton trousers from China, a Commerce Department spokeswoman, Mary Brown Brewer, said. The agency has 60 days to decide whether it will review the case and consider restricting Chinese imports.
.The textile makers' petition covers what was $280 million of imported goods last year and is the first of what the industry has promised will be dozens of trade complaints to prevent more Chinese imports when global quotas on textile and apparel expire at the end of this year.
.National Spinning, Milliken and other U.S. textile companies are warning that as many as 600,000 of the 700,000 American textile and apparel jobs will be lost next year. Once the textile quotas are eliminated, China will dominate the global trade in clothing, according to the U.S. International Trade Commission and other analysts.
.Last year the Bush administration limited the increase in imports of Chinese-made brassieres, robes and knit shirts to 7 percent a year. The specific China limits, called safeguards, were negotiated as part of that nation's acceptance into the World Trade Organization in 2001.
.Lloyd Wood, a spokesman for the industry, declined to comment. The U.S. industry has scheduled a press conference Tuesday to discuss its petitions.
.Apparel and shoe imports from China grew to more than $27 billion last year, a 50 percent increase from 1999. China will grow to supply 50 percent of U.S. clothing imports after the system ends, from 16 percent in 1995, the trade body said in an August report.

.Bloomberg News

China to Discuss Currency Policy With G-7 Nations

By Paul BlusteinWashington Post Staff WriterThursday, September 23, 2004; Page E01

China will participate in a special meeting with the Group of Seven industrialized countries on Oct. 1, the U.S. Treasury said yesterday, an announcement that could herald Beijing's eventual membership in the elite economic club.
John B. Taylor, the undersecretary of the Treasury for international affairs, said one major purpose of the meeting will be "high-level engagement" with the Chinese on their currency policy, which has become a politically charged issue in the United States.
Beijing's longtime policy of fixing its exchange rate at 8.3 yuan per dollar is viewed by many economists, manufacturers and labor groups as giving Chinese products an unfair price advantage in world markets, and the Bush administration has come under criticism for failing to press the matter more aggressively.
Calling the meeting "a historic first engagement," Taylor said it will be held over dinner in Washington after a regular session of top G-7 policymakers on global economic issues. Jin Renqing, the Chinese finance minister, and Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of the People's Bank of China, will join counterparts including Treasury Secretary John W. Snow and Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan Greenspan.
Asked whether the Chinese will be invited to future meetings or given full membership in the group, Taylor declined to rule either possibility in or out.
"The next steps will depend on how this meeting goes," he said. But he strongly indicated that more such meetings are likely, saying that they "are useful in making progress on economic reform" and that the currency issue "is a very natural one for the G-7 to discuss with China" given its implications for global trade and finance.
With member nations that account for well over half the world's gross domestic product, the G-7 has often played an influential role in steering and coordinating global economic policy, though some contend that its importance has withered in recent years. It was launched in 1975 with five members -- the United States, Japan, Britain, Germany and France -- in response to the world oil-price shock. Italy and Canada joined later.
Following the end of the Cold War, Russia was also invited to join the group's annual leaders' summit, which was re-christened the G-8. Russian officials also attend some of the meetings of finance ministers and central bank governors, though they do not participate in the sessions dealing with matters such as exchange rates. Russian officials will not attend the meeting with the Chinese, Taylor said.
Bringing China into the group -- at least the economic policymaking sessions -- is an idea that many analysts have long urged because of the enormous global impact of the fast-growing Chinese economy, the world's sixth largest. In an op-ed article published in the Financial Times in June, for example, Matthew P. Goodman, the recently departed head of Asian economic affairs at the National Security Council, argued for bringing Beijing to the G-7 table to give the Chinese a greater stake in addressing matters of global concern, including the overheating of its own economy as well as its trade and macroeconomic policies.
Yesterday's announcement is a "significant step forward," said Goodman, now vice president at Stonebridge International LLC, a firm that advises corporations on global issues. "I would stress that it doesn't necessarily mean that there's already a decision taken to invite China to become a permanent member of the group, but certainly that would be kind of a logical conclusion of this progression." Chinese officials have been attending some lower-level meetings with G-7 counterparts for quite a few months, he noted.
Goodman said he thinks the administration is partly motivated by politics because of the attacks that Democratic presidential candidate John F. Kerry, among others, have made on the White House for rejecting a tougher stance on the currency issue. "Treasury has very little to show" for its efforts to nudge Beijing toward changing its policy, "so they need to show they're engaging," Goodman said.
"But what this is really about goes back to the original reason for the G-5, managing the big supply shock of the day," Goodman said. "Arguably, China is the big supply shock in the world today, so to not have them in the room is a bit odd."
Defending the Treasury approach, Taylor said, "There is movement toward a flexible exchange rate," which China has said it would like to have. De-linking the yuan from the dollar would presumably allow the yuan to rise and make Chinese exports more expensive.
"They've been opening the banking sector, relaxing controls on capital movements. . . . These are all steps on the way," Taylor said, adding, "The best way to move toward that goal [of currency flexibility] is to have a meeting at this [G-7] level."

Hu's grip on power in China tightens

By James Kynge in Beijing
Published: September 19 2004 19:50 | Last updated: September 19 2004 19:50

China's president, Hu Jintao, has consolidated power during a key Communist party plenum that ended on Sunday as his rival and predecessor Jiang Zemin stepped down as head of the armed forces and lost a campaign to get his chief prot��漏g��漏 promoted to a position of influence.

Mr Jiang, 78, stepped down as chairman of the party's Central Military Commission (CMC) and Mr Hu will take his place, Xinhua, the official news agency, said. The move completes a transfer of power to Mr Hu, 61, that started in late 2002 when he took over from Mr Jiang as general secretary of the Communist party.

In a surprise sign of his waning influence, Mr Jiang failed at the plenum to secure a post for Zeng Qinghong, his prot��漏g��漏, within the CMC. Party sources said Mr Jiang had been insisting that Mr Zeng, who is a politburo member and vice-president, be appointed to a role as vice-chairman.

The upshot of the plenum, foreign diplomats said, was that Mr Hu might encounter less resistance now that the influence of Mr Jiang and his supporters appeared so clearly to have diminished.

"Some of the officials that have been thought of as loyal to Jiang have actually been courting favour from Hu recently," said one senior party source. "It was becoming clear that Jiang's era is over."

But Mr Hu's consolidation of power was not expected to have immediate policy implications. Although he and Mr Jiang sparred over issues of emphasis in foreign policy, domestic politics and economics, their basic approaches were similar, party sources said.

Mr Hu and Wen Jiabao, premier, have been associated with efforts to cool China's torrid economy with "macro-economic controls". They are also known for their emphasis on a more transparent and accountable form of government.

Beijing CBD striving for development

By Liu Jie (China Daily)
Updated: 2004-09-17 08:40

Beijing's Central Business District (CBD) is to draw on the experiences of foreign counterparts to attract multinationals to move their headquarters into the area.

Beijing is to sign a contract in exchange with "La Defense" of Paris, the French capital city's CBD, during the ongoing fifth Beijing Chaoyang International Business Festival.

Zhang Mao, Beijing's vice-mayor, said on Tuesday at the Forum on CBD Multinationals Headquarters & Regional Development that the Beijing CBD had also signed a Letter of Intent of Friendly Exchange with Manhattan borough in New York City, the world's leading CBD, in May.

"We are striving to establish sound relations with similar areas, in a bid to introduce their advanced administrative and management skills to speed up the development of the Beijing CBD and make it a real hub for headquarters of transnational companies," said Zhang.

Official statistics show that 31 multinationals have set up regional headquarters in the capital city, of which more than 80 per cent are in the CBD.

More than 170 of the world's top 500 enterprises have launched joint ventures or subsidiaries in Beijing, and 83 of them have chosen to settle down in the CBD.

So far, more than 800 overseas companies, about 500 transnationals and 570 foreign representative offices have located in the CBD.

A group of foreign entrepreneurs provided suggestions at the forum to accelerate the fast growth of the Beijing CBD.

Joel Epstein, AIG Country Manager for China a transnational company in the Beijing CBD, said that the CBD should develop its polycentric urban design and invest heavily in public transportation, given the city's high population density and traditional urban design.

"To maximize success in attracting multinationals' headquarters to relocate to the CBD, I believe that the area needs to develop a stimulating living and working environment," Epstein said.

China Business Info Center

Ministry sets up anti-monopoly office

By Yan Yang (China Daily)
Updated: 2004-09-17 08:27

The Ministry of Commerce has set up an anti-monopoly office, to give teeth to legislation and to strengthen investigations into monopolies.

The office, a temporary mechanism, is responsible for helping draft upcoming anti-monopoly law, and for related investigations and international communications on prevention of monopolies.

Shang Ming, director of the ministry's treaty and law department is head of the office.

Shang said the office will focus on work to establish a unified and open national market.

A draft of the anti-monopoly law was submitted to the State Council's Legislative Affairs Office in March and distributed to related departments and local governments for comment.

The law is listed on the legislative agenda of the 10th National People's Congress in its five-year tenure, which ends in 2008, but the draft will still have to undergo further revision.

Analysts say the special office is the latest effort by the ministry to speed up the process.

Wang Xiaoye, a researcher at the institute of legal studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said the establishment of the office indicated that work on curtailing monopolies is one of the most important tasks for the ministry at present.

Drafting of anti-trust law has been going on for a decade, but there have been numerous revisions because of controversies.

"While China's economy is opening wider and is more market-oriented, the absence of such a law is proving to be a source of major concern," Wang said.

Some multinational companies are exploiting the situation and abusing their dominant position to curb competition, warned a report from the State Administration for Industry and Commerce, which called for the legislative process to be accelerated.

Assistant Minister of Commerce Huang Hai said earlier that local protectionism is serious in China and threatens the establishment of a national market system.

Huang said many local governments have a huge stake in fostering a number of local enterprises as their tax base and source of financial revenue and consequently erected barriers to prevent outsiders from entering local markets.

"The office also means power to crack down on monopolistic behaviour will be strengthened," Wang said.

The office can curb such activities by relevant provisions in the law about unfair competition, price law, bid and tender law, provisional rules on mergers with and acquisitions of domestic enterprises by foreign investors, and other department rules, Wang said.

Analysts estimate the office will be the administration to monitor monopolies when the law is passed, though the ministry says it is temporary.

The latest version of the anti-monopoly draft law has dropped an article about setting up an independent anti-monopoly administration.

The Ministry of Commerce which has power over foreign and internal trade seems to be the most suitable authority.

But the State Administration of Industry and Commerce also has some power in the area since it oversees the implementation of the Law Against Unfair Competition, which has stipulations about monopolies.

The administrative level of the specific department responsible for implementating the law has not been decided.

China Business Info Center

Ministry sets up anti-monopoly office

By Yan Yang (China Daily)
Updated: 2004-09-17 08:27

The Ministry of Commerce has set up an anti-monopoly office, to give teeth to legislation and to strengthen investigations into monopolies.

The office, a temporary mechanism, is responsible for helping draft upcoming anti-monopoly law, and for related investigations and international communications on prevention of monopolies.

Shang Ming, director of the ministry's treaty and law department is head of the office.

Shang said the office will focus on work to establish a unified and open national market.

A draft of the anti-monopoly law was submitted to the State Council's Legislative Affairs Office in March and distributed to related departments and local governments for comment.

The law is listed on the legislative agenda of the 10th National People's Congress in its five-year tenure, which ends in 2008, but the draft will still have to undergo further revision.

Analysts say the special office is the latest effort by the ministry to speed up the process.

Wang Xiaoye, a researcher at the institute of legal studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said the establishment of the office indicated that work on curtailing monopolies is one of the most important tasks for the ministry at present.

Drafting of anti-trust law has been going on for a decade, but there have been numerous revisions because of controversies.

"While China's economy is opening wider and is more market-oriented, the absence of such a law is proving to be a source of major concern," Wang said.

Some multinational companies are exploiting the situation and abusing their dominant position to curb competition, warned a report from the State Administration for Industry and Commerce, which called for the legislative process to be accelerated.

Assistant Minister of Commerce Huang Hai said earlier that local protectionism is serious in China and threatens the establishment of a national market system.

Huang said many local governments have a huge stake in fostering a number of local enterprises as their tax base and source of financial revenue and consequently erected barriers to prevent outsiders from entering local markets.

"The office also means power to crack down on monopolistic behaviour will be strengthened," Wang said.

The office can curb such activities by relevant provisions in the law about unfair competition, price law, bid and tender law, provisional rules on mergers with and acquisitions of domestic enterprises by foreign investors, and other department rules, Wang said.

Analysts estimate the office will be the administration to monitor monopolies when the law is passed, though the ministry says it is temporary.

The latest version of the anti-monopoly draft law has dropped an article about setting up an independent anti-monopoly administration.

The Ministry of Commerce which has power over foreign and internal trade seems to be the most suitable authority.

But the State Administration of Industry and Commerce also has some power in the area since it oversees the implementation of the Law Against Unfair Competition, which has stipulations about monopolies.

The administrative level of the specific department responsible for implementating the law has not been decided.

China Business Info Center

7-Eleven store debuts in Beijing

( 2004-02-05 09:09) (China Daily by Liu Jie)

The residents of Beijing's busy Beixinqiao area will soon get the chance to shop any time they like, thanks to the opening of the capital's first 7-Eleven convenience store.

The world's No 1 convenience store operator will open its first 24-hour outlet in eastern downtown Beijing this Spring.

And according to Li Yong, deputy general manager of Beijing 7-Eleven Co Ltd, a newly established joint venture, around 150 outlets will open in Beijing this year, with a total of 500 convenience stores opening up within the next five years.

The convenience store king Seven-Eleven (7-Eleven) Inc got long-awaited approval from the central government at the end of last year to set up a joint venture in China.

Seven-Eleven Japan, a division of Japan-based Ito Yokado, Beijing Shoulian Group and the China National Sugar & Alcohol Group Corporation, hold 65 per cent, 25 per cent and 10 per cent stakes in the joint venture.

In a bid to get greater access to China's increasingly wealthy consumers, the joint venture is engaged in expanding 7-Eleven convenience stores in Beijing and the surrounding provinces.

China plans to lift the restriction on foreign ownership of chain stores - currently set at 65 per cent - by 2005, in line with its commitments to the World Trade Organization.

Yan Ligang, a spokesman of the Beijing Commerce Bureau, says that the time is ripe for the 7-Eleven to enter the market.

"They may use the one-year period to get familiar with the local market and gather experiences for the establishment of a wholly-funded enterprise in China and explore the South China and East China markets, where convenience stores have been well established," said Yan.

Domestic and overseas convenience store operators, including Shanghai's Hualian and Lianhau, Taiwan-based President Chain Store Corporation, Hong Kong's Dairy and Thailand's Charoen Pokphand Group, are engaged in stiff competition in South and East China.

But in Beijing, Superchain, Chaoshifa and Wumei just started to enter the convenience store market in 2002, with a properly established network of such stores yet to take shape in the capital, according to Chen Jian, a researcher at the policy study office of the Beijing municipal government.

Concerning the make-up of the 7-Eleven Beijing, Li indicated that selecting Shoulian as one of the joint venture's partners was due to Shoulian's strong position and experience in running chain stores.

"Shoulian's mature and complete sales network offers a shortcut for the 7-Eleven to get established in the capital," said Yan.

Shoulian, is composed of over 10 chain retailers, including Beijing Yikelong Commercial Co Ltd, Beijing Lufthansa & Wangjing Shopping Centre and Xiaobaiyang Supermarket, whose sales network has covered Beijing's urban area after more than 10 years of development.

But some of the stores will only open from 7:00 am until 11:00 pm, to suit the lifestyle of Beijingers.

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